Friday, August 10, 2012

Workbook on Planning for Urban Resilience
Workbook on Planning for Urban Resilience

A work book on planning for urban resilience in the face of disasters : adapting experiences from Vietnam's cities to other cities (English)

Abstract This workbook is intended to help policy makers in developing countries plan for a safer future in urban areas in the face of natural disasters and the consequences of climate change. It is based on the experiences of three cities in Vietnam, Can Tho, Dong Hoi, and Hanoi, that worked with international and local experts under World Bank supervision to develop local resilience action plans (LRAPs) in 2009-10. An LRAP is a detailed planning document that reflects local concerns and priorities based on the experiences of the past and projections for the future. It is not a wish list of projects that may never be completed because they are too costly or lack political support. Rather, it should be a realistic document that describes and establishes priorities for specific steps that can be undertaken in the near term to adapt to both climate related and other hazards. Regardless of their size, location, political orientation, or technical capacity, other cities can learn from the experiences of these pilot cities to develop their own LRAPs. The purpose of this workbook is to adapt the initial experiences of Can Tho, Dong Hoi, and Hanoi to benefit the national government and other communities in Vietnam and beyond. Indeed, the process described in this workbook was later adopted in the cities of Iloilo, the Philippines; Ningbo, China; and Yogyakarta, Indonesia, and the concluding chapter of this workbook draws on some of the lessons learned in these cities. However, the workbook, while generalizable to other contexts, largely reflects the Vietnamese experience. 

Complete Report in English

Official version of document (may contain signatures, etc)

Thursday, August 9, 2012

Measuring well-being

A guide for practitioners
A short handbook for voluntary organisations and community groups.
Written by

Executive Summary

This short handbook on measuring well-being is produced by the Centre for Well-being at nef (the new economics foundation) with input from nef consulting. It is designed primarily for voluntary organisations and community groups delivering projects and services, to help them kick-start the process of measuring well-being outcomes.
By measuring the well-being of the people we aim to support, information can be gathered which can be used, for example, to improve the design and delivery of projects and services, to target projects and services at the people who are in most need, to tailor provision to suit needs, and to support funding applications.
 This handbook provides:
  • Tools for thinking about well-being and its measurement. These will help to ensure that when you measure people’s well-being, you do so from an informed position. Part I of this handbook is Understanding Well-being.
  • Part II describes our recommended practical tools for measuring well-being: this will help you to get measuring!
An earlier version of this handbook was originally created as part of a project commissioned by NHS Lambeth and funded through its Well-being and Happiness Programme, for projects and service providers in the London Borough of Lambeth. We have re-written the handbook so that it reflects updates in our thinking about well-being and its measurement, and we gratefully acknowledge the role that NHS Lambeth played in the creation of the original version.
nef consulting have added Part III, which provides guidance on analysis and interpretation, building on their experience of working with dozens of organisations to undertake impact evaluation projects. This document is available alongside a range of other resources which can help measure social impact through the SROI Centre for Excellence, which can be accessed at
Based on our experience of working with Big Lottery Fund, nef is confident that using a standardised approach to measuring well-being is a good use of time for organisations in a range of settings – Big Lottery Fund have provided a Case Study on the following page.

Planning for Healthy Living: the Next Challenge

by Suzanne H. Crowhurst Lennard

Social Immune System
It is common today to talk about health only in terms of physical health. The “Active Living” program is often considered the solution to all health problems. In fact, even as cities enact “Active Living” programs to solve obesity, they discover the programs are ineffectual if the society is fragmented or the individual is marginalized. Social health is the foundation for physical health. This has serious implications for planning and urban design. A healthy city must have a healthy "social immune system".
Humans are social beings. Contact with family, friends and social circles is not just pleasurable, it is essential. An individual’s very sense of self is shaped and maintained through social life. The quality and quantity of social interaction and sense of belonging strongly influence physical and mental health (Baum and Ziersch 2003; Warr et al. 2007; Poortinga et al. 2007; Cohen et al. 2008; Echeverría et al. 2008; Beard et al. 2009; Dahl and Malmberg-Heimonen 2010).
Social Isolation
Suburban environments do not provide sufficient opportunity for positive social life. We began to see evidence of this in ‘50s when depression became common among stay-at-home housewives and valium was thought to be the solution. Now we see it in the prevalence of psychological and social problems suffered by children, youth and elders that echo the symptoms of social isolation. Dangerous, fragmented inner city neighborhoods exhibit similar symptoms of ill health, related to the isolation of individuals in the fragmented built, and social fabric.
High-rise housing has been associated with greater rates of juvenile delinquency (Gillis, 1974), greater feelings of alienation (McCarthy D & Saegert, S. 1978), and more depression among young mothers (Richman, 1974). Gifford (2007) provides a comprehensive review of the literature on the effects of high rise housing on children, mental health, social behavior, crime, and suicide. As he summarizes, “the literature suggests that high-rises are less satisfactory than other housing forms for most people, that they are not optimal for children, that social relations are more impersonal and helping behavior is less than in other housing forms, that crime and fear of crime are greater, and that they may independently account for some suicides.”
Harlow (1964) dramatically raised awareness of the effects of social isolation. Rhesus monkeys, isolated at birth, developed signs of depression, violence and self-immolation. They developed “autistic” behavior, “repetitive stereotyped movements, detachment from the environment, hostility directed outwardly toward others and inwardly toward the animal's own body, and inability to form adequate social or heterosexual attachments to others when such opportunities are provided in preadolescence, adolescence, or adulthood” (Cross and Harlow, 1965).
Partial social isolation, where they could see and hear other monkeys but had no physical contact, resulted in blank staring, repetitive circling, and self-mutilation. They were helpless in a social environment because they had not developed social skills.  When placed with normally raised monkeys they were shunned, bullied, or became violent. Many never learned the social skills necessary to become integrated.
Human beings react in similar ways. Indeed, one of the most serious punishments we can inflict is solitary confinement, which can result in serious existential crisis (Grassian, 1993), and deterioration of mental (Kernes, 1998) and physical health. Prison studies have shown that solitary confinement leads to physical illness, mental anguish, violence, terror, even suicide (Grassian, 1993). Over time, symptoms experienced by isolated prisoners are “likely to mature into either homicidal or suicidal behaviour” (McCreary, 1961).
Elders in the community
Breakdown in community social life has particularly serious health consequences for elders. An increased risk of ill health and death exists “among persons with a low quantity, and sometimes low quality, social relationships.” (House et al, 1988;)  According to Cohen (1988) and Berkman (1995), lack of social ties or social networks predicts mortality from almost every cause of death. According to Berkman et al (2000), “The power of these measures to predict health outcomes is indisputable”.
With insufficient or negative social interaction elders especially are vulnerable to suffer loneliness, low self-esteem, social anxiety and depression (House et al, 1988; Hawe and Shiell, 2000; Cohen-Mansfield and Parpura-Gill, 2007). Bellah et al (1985) proposed that without a meaningful sense of connectedness to others, and without a clear involvement in a meaningful social fabric, individuality and life itself lose meaning. As Durkheim (1897; 1951) proposed, the underlying reason for suicide is lack of social integration to a supportive group.
In early studies of schizophrenia, Faris (1934) observed that insufficient and unsatisfactory social interaction can lead to further withdrawal. One study found support for the hypothesis that the “shut-in” or “seclusive” personality, “generally considered to be the basis of schizophrenia, may be the result of an extended period of ‘cultural isolation’, that is, separation from intimate and sympathetic social contact”. He adds that “seclusiveness is frequently the last stage of a process that began with exclusion or isolation which was not the choice of the patient” (p. 159).
Social isolation and neighborhood fragmentation proved an involuntary death sentence for hundreds of elderly during the 1999 Chicago heat wave. Klinenberg (2003) found that disproportionately high numbers of elderly deaths occurred in neighborhoods “dominated by boarded or dilapidated buildings, rickety fast-food joints, closed stores with faded signs, and open lots” filled with “tall grass and weeds, broken glass and illegally dumped refuse…”  In these areas, elders lived in isolation, afraid to go onto the street, and far from people or places that could help them survive the heatwave.
In an adjacent, equally poor neighborhood, elders were protected in the heatwave. “First, the action in and relative security of the local streets pulled older people into public places, where contacts could help them get assistance if they needed it. Second, the array of stores, banks and other commercial centers in the area provided senior with safe, air-conditioned places where they could get relief from the heat. Seniors felt more comfortable in and are more likely to go to these places, which they visit as part of their regular social routines, than the official cooling centers that the city established during the heatwave…. The robust public life of the region draws all but the most infirm residents out of their homes, promoting social interaction, network ties, and healthy behavior.”
Sprawl has created a world in which children have fewer friends than ever before. The absence of accessible, lively public places where children can meet, forbidden to play on the street, and under strict instructions to stay in the house, teens spend more time alone – 3 ½ hours per day – than with family or friends (Eberstadt, 1999). With long work hours, long commutes, and long drives to run simple errands, parents leave kids “home alone”.
Most time alone is spent interacting not with a living world, but with technology, where children are exposed to and shaped by the dysfunctional and violent role models presented in the “virtual” world. (Lennard and Crowhurst Lennard, 2000). As Hochschild (1997) reports, “children who were home alone for eleven or more hours a week were three times more likely than other children to abuse alcohol, tobacco or marijuana.”
“Spending extensive time alone can be stressful. Young people report having lower self esteem, being less happy, enjoying what they are doing less, and feeling less active when they are alone.” In considering the social consequences of “children raising themselves”, Eberstadt comments, “One does not have to read Durkheim to see the isolation writ large in these numbers, or to speculate about the effects of such endemic isolation on a chronically melancholic adolescent temperament” Eberstadt (2001).
When children lack social contact, they do not learn the social skills needed to maintain health and well-being throughout life, and to strengthen resilience in avoiding social pathology. Positive social interactions, membership in a social support system and a sense of belonging protect and promote good health (House et al, 1988).
In the US today, children are not experiencing the community social support they require for healthy development and success in life. Moreover, all aspects of child development benefit from positive social contexts within which this learning is embedded. Too many children lack the experience of belonging to a supportive complete community and will therefore not be able to pass this knowledge on to the next generation (Bronfenbrenner, 1979).
Given the lack of real social networks, it is no surprise that children and adolescents find difficulty in social situations. Shyness is increasingly treated as a medical problem, termed “Social Anxiety Syndrome”, for which medications are often prescribed – though these occasionally lead to violence and suicide.
Lynn Henderson (Henderson and Zimbardo, accessed 2008), Director of the Palo Alto Shyness Clinic, maintains that “this rise in shyness is accompanied by spreading social isolation within a cultural context of indifference to others and a lowered priority given to being sociable, or in learning the complex network of skills necessary to be socially competent.” She proposes this may be “a warning signal of a public health danger that appears to be heading toward epidemic proportions.” Lack of real life social skills may also lead young people desperate for some form of social contact into inappropriate, predatory or damaging exchanges in technologically mediated social networks.
Depression among adolescents
In the US, 8.3 percent of adolescents suffer from depression (Birmaher et al, 1996). Since young people with limited social skills do not know how to solve problems through negotiation and discussion, they may act self-destructively, particularly if they are being bullied and made to feel worthless. Suicide is the fourth leading cause of death for children aged 10-14 (Friday, 1995). 60% of high school students reported having considered suicide, 9% reported having tried (AAP, accessed 2011).
Combative youth lacking social skills to resolve differences, and needing to increase their self-esteem may be violent towards others, especially towards those who are different and who lack social skills to defend themselves. A recent study showed that 29 percent of the students who responded to a survey had been involved in some aspect of bullying (NICHD, accessed 2011). “People who were bullied as children are more likely to suffer from depression and low self esteem, well into adulthood, and the bullies themselves are more likely to engage in criminal behavior later in life” (Alexander, accessed 2011). School shootings are committed by “adolescent outcasts” (Eberstadt, 2001). Gang warfare provides youth a sense of membership, and a feeling that their existence is of significance to others. Homicide was the 2nd leading cause of death for young people aged 10 to 24 years old (CDC, 2010b).
Stanley Greenspan (1997) warned, “as children become more alienated from the lives of others… we can expect to see increasing levels of violence and extremism and less collaboration and empathy.” He emphasizes that children need “to grow up amid a network of close interactions with adults.” Until recently, he observed, “even in cities, families spent their days mostly within the compass of neighborhoods one could easily traverse on foot… Ordinary life thus naturally and routinely provided the conditions that the complex human nervous system needs to fulfill its potential.”
It has been suggested that “In Western societies, we have perhaps lost sight of the crucial role of social support in preparing children for their adult roles. Families are often fragmented and socially isolated, relationships transient, and the roles of parents, schools, and other institutions unclear and discontinuous. … there are many Western children and adolescents for whom the discontinuities are defeating, and who fail to make the transition from childhood to competent adulthood for lack of continuous and coherent social support.” (Tietjen, 1989)
Social immune system
Positive social interactions, membership in a social support system and a sense of belonging protect and promote good health. It has been found that social capital protects against negative health outcomes and mortality (Berkman & Syme, 1979; House et al 1988). For people of all ages, physical and mental health is improved by face to face interaction and membership in a community (Resnick et al, 1997). It is through frequent informal face-to-face interaction that social ties develop (Greenbaum, 1982).
Circles of friends and familiars form a “social immune system” to buffer stress, improve coping, and protect health. Social support prevents isolation, improves psychological well-being through being valued, receiving signs of love, and knowledge that help is there if needed. Integration in a social network produces positive psychological states (Cohen et al, 2000): it fosters self-esteem, self-assurance, sense of security and well-being (Berkman and Glass, 2000). Social circles “maintain, protect, promote and restore health” (Nestmann and Hurrelmann, 1994).
Kawachi and Berkman (2000) conceptualized three pathways through which social capital could affect health at the neighborhood level: access to services and amenities, psychosocial processes, and health-related behaviors. The significant psychosocial processes were refined by Berkman et al (2000) as: a) Social support, meaning emotional, instrumental and informational support; b) Social influence, i.e. the general consensus within a social network about healthy behavior, values and norms, i.e what Erickson (1988) called “normative guidance”; and c) Social engagement: “Getting together with friends, attending social functions, participating in occupational or social roles, group recreation, church attendance” etc. These ties give meaning to an individual’s life and a sense of being attached to one’s community.
It is through frequent informal face-to-face interaction that social ties develop (Greenbaum, 1982). Frequent meetings and greetings in the public realm allow people to become familiar with one another, to “learn one another’s stories” (Berry, 1994) which builds trust and caring. Higher levels of trust in a community are associated with lower rates of most major causes of death, including heart disease, cancers, infant mortality, and violent deaths, including homicide (Kawachi et al, 1997). Kawachi and Berkman (2001) analyzed the varied mechanisms by which social ties contribute to mental health.
At the neighborhood level, Lochner and colleagues found that social capital, as measured by reciprocity, trust, and civic participation, was associated with lower neighborhood mortality rates after adjusting for neighborhood material deprivation (Lochner, Kawachi, Brennan, & Buka, 2003).
Mental health improves when people feel less lonely or isolated (Beard et al. 2009; Maas et al. 2009a; Maas et al. 2009b; Odgers et al. 2009; Berry and Welsh 2010; Yang and Matthews 2010). Children as well as adults need to feel they “belong” within a community (McMillan and Chavis, 1986).
Children and Youth
Children and youth
Good social skills, and the ability to take pleasure in social interaction are fundamental to maintaining good health, to all aspects of child development, and to achieving success and well-being later in life (Levine, 2002).  Social skills do not develop automatically. They are learned in the community social contexts in which children are raised. They learn this through observation of how adults around them behave, and by reenactment of the same behavior.
Children must learn the skills of making friends, and of maintaining friendships. They must learn how to interact with people very different from themselves – involving the ability to understand a person’s character, and to distinguish between “friend” and “foe”. “The more varied and reciprocal these interactions, the richer will be the individual’s self-image and the more comprehensive her consciousness” (Greenspan, 1997).
For adolescents, supportive relationships with adults in the community are particularly valuable in preventing psychological harm from stressful life experiences that place a burden on the mental and physical health of children and youth (Rutter, 1983). Social support helps children to develop resilience and to successfully cope with stress (Garmezy, 1983; Werner and Smith, 1982). Youth in dysfunctional settings who have one good relationship are at lower risk of psychiatric disorder (Rutter and Giller, 1983). When comparing communities with high rates of healthy youth to communities with low rates, the healthy youth were found to be better connected to a variety of social systems (Blyth and Leffert, 1995). Leffert et al (1998) emphasize that “young people need multiple constructive experiences and supportive, caring relationships across the many contexts in which they interact” and the effects of these interactions are cumulative in preventing adolescent risk behavior.
For adolescents, supportive relationships with adults in the community are particularly valuable in preventing psychological harm. This is especially true for vulnerable adolescents with few personal assets (Blyth and Leffert, 1995). African American youth, especially adolescent girls, who have neighbors who look out for them are less likely to report feeling depressed than adolescents in less supportive neighborhoods (Stevenson, 1998). This is also true for adolescents in high risk neighborhoods.
Adults & elders
The opportunity for social interaction, companionship, people-watching, and a “friendly neighborhood” were reported as reasons why adults chose to walk in their neighborhood, whether to shop, run errands, recreate, or simply to get exercise (Ball et al, 2001; Giles-Corti and Donovan, 2002; Booth et al, 2000; Ståhl et al, 2001; Humpel et al, 2002). Indeed, as Ståhl reported in a study of adults across six countries, “The social environment was the strongest predictor of being physically active.” More active adolescents considered that the social environment and neighbors with recreational facilities are associated with higher levels of physical activity (Mota et al, 2005). Social support for physical activity among adults (Eyler et al, 1999;  Castro et al, 1999; Corneya et al, 2000) and among college students (Leslie et al, 1999) is a strong correlate of physical activity.
Social capital at the neighborhood level, as measured by reciprocity, trust, and civic participation, is associated with lower neighborhood mortality rates (Lochner et al, 2004). As one interviewee recorded by Altschuler et al (2004) reported: “I feel that my neighborhood contribute(s) to my health, and it does so in many ways. (If) something, an accident happens and I break my leg in my house I know my neighbors will come to my aid. (But) I think that over time even a greater impact is having a sense of belonging and a sense of neighbors that I trust around me helps reduce anxiety and it’s good for my mental well being.”
Numerous recent studies have supported the thesis that a sense of belonging is an influential determinant of mental and physical health (Wilkinson, 1996, Hawe and Shiell, 2000; Baum and Ziersch, 2003; Ogunseitan, 2005; Warr et al., 2007; Poortinga et al., 2007; Cohen et al., 2008; Echeverría et al., 2008; Beard et al., 2009; Dahl and Malmberg-Heimonen, 2010).
Communities with high collective efficacy, i.e. “mutual trust and a willingness to intervene in the supervision of children and the maintenance of public order” (Sampson et al, 1997) generally experience low homicide and violence rates and low levels of physical and social disorder, while neighborhoods with low collective efficacy suffer high rates of violence and significant physical and social disorder (Earls, 1998). A functioning neighborhood community in which people take some responsibility for others helps children to develop positive social skills, even in neighborhoods with problems of high vandalism and crime (Earls, 2005), and it helps elders to continue to live a normal, healthy life in their community.
Intergenerational Social Immune System
Intergenerational community
Peter Benson (2006), President of the Search Institute observed, “Instead of embedding our children in webs of sustained relationships, we segregate them from the wisdom and experience of adults, raising them in neighborhoods, institutions, and communities where few know their names. Instead of celebrating them as gifts of energy, passion, and hope, we view them with suspicion in public places and places of commerce and deny them meaningful roles in community and civic life.”
He recognized that the key problem that thwarts these efforts is that our physical environment does not support community, and adds, “If there were only one thing we could do to alter the course of socialization for American youth, it would be to reconstruct our towns and cities as intergenerational communities. Cross-generational contacts would be frequent and natural.”
Adults and elders
Healthy Urban Fabric
To support a healthy immune system, we must rebuild the compact, mixed use built urban fabric characteristic of traditional towns. Here, people’s paths cross in multiple situations – on the way to work or school, at the market or running errands, at a “Third Place” or relaxing -- and in different social contexts – alone, with family members, friends or business associates. Community members' normal everyday lives overlap. Meetings may lead to introductions that expand social networks. This promotes resilience in the community's social immune system.
A significantly greater sense of community is found in mixed use neighborhoods (Nasar and Julian, 1995; Leyden, 2003, Lund, 2002). The availability of local shops and restaurants is seen by residents to be health promoting. “The provision of decent housing, safe playing areas, transport, green spaces, street lighting, street cleaning, schools, shops, banks, etc. impacts upon participation in that their presence facilitates social interaction and a ‘feel good’ sense about a place.” (Baum and Palmer, 2002). Mehta (2007) emphasized additional factors supportive of social interaction, such as hospitable commercial streets, mixed use streets with shops and restaurants , wide sidewalks and a personalized public realm. As Cozens and Hillier (2008) stressed, it requires a great many more factors than simple street layout to create a neighborhood that fosters social interaction.
Frank et al (2004) showed that the greater the degree of land use mix, the less time adults spent in cars and the lower the rate of obesity. Small city blocks, street connectivity, mixed land uses and proximity of shops are associated with an increase of walking (Cervero and Duncan, 2003; Duncan and Mummery, 2004; Frank et al, 2005).
Dangerous settings discourage individuals from building social ties (Evans, 2006). Public places must be designed to feel safe as well as to prevent criminal activity. This is achieved by encouraging a sense of ownership, ensuring eyes on the street, maintaining active use of the space and surrounding buildings, and controlling access (Crowe, 2000). Even a courtyard in an apartment building can provide some support for a significantly greater development of community among residents than exists in an apartment building without a courtyard (Nasar and Julian, 1995).
Style of housing and land use patterns have been found to affect social networks (Cattell, 2001) and thereby to affect health (Macintyre et al., 1993; Macintyre and Ellaway, 1998; Macintyre and Ellaway, 1999; Macintyre and Ellaway, 2000). Their data showed a strong link between social interactions and ‘local opportunity structures’—‘socially constructed and socially patterned features of the physical and social environment which may promote health either directly or indirectly through the possibilities they provide for people to live healthy lives’ (Macintyre and Ellaway, 2000), p. 343]. They argue that: “Social capital is often seen to be inherent in social interactions and social relations, but we would like to suggest that these might be facilitated by local opportunity structures, often of a mundane kind.” (Ibid, p. 169]
Williams and Pocock (2010) emphasize that the more informal “third places” there are in a neighborhood, the greater the opportunity for serendipitous social interaction that can lead to caring relationships and social capital. They also stress that people of different age groups need different kinds of places that facilitate unplanned meetings. Some third places such as cafes and bars cater to specific population groups (adult drinkers, those who can afford to eat there) and some exclude children. Pendola and Gen (2008) demonstrated that neighborhoods with main streets have a significantly higher sense of community than exists in high density neighborhoods of suburban style neighborhoods without a main street. Of still greater value for community social life that includes children and youth are central public plazas open to all.
The public realm
Public space design
The key element is the public realm, specifically, the availability of community squares that support positive face-to-face social interaction between young and old. The intrinsic value of personal social contact consists in the boost to self-esteem, pleasure, and sense of well-being associated with eye contact, being acknowledged and confirmed by another human being, emotional reciprocity, an “authentic” encounter, and knowing others are concerned and interested in one’s well-being (Buber, 1965). “The unavowed secret of man” stressed Buber (1967) “is that he wants to be confirmed in his being and his existence by his fellow men and that he wishes them to make it possible for him to confirm them… The architects must be set the task of also building for human contact, building surroundings that invite meeting and centers that shape meeting.”
When located at the heart of a mixed-use neighborhood, with a farmers market, surrounded by shops serving daily needs, and a residential population overlooking the square, these places are powerful catalysts in building community, and the social support systems that protect health (Crowhurst Lennard and Lennard, 2008). Successful plazas are places people need to visit, or pass through on a frequent basis to go shopping, to go to the market, or to go to work. Only this level of use by a local community can generate the high degree of community life required to develop inclusive community ties. 
In the Netherlands, where recent declining health levels have been linked to decrease in social contacts, public health researchers have called for “a more developed and detailed governmental policy to promote community” (De Vos, 2003). In North America, I would suggest, we would be wise to follow suit.
If we want to improve physical and mental health, reduce social pathology, and strengthen community “social immune systems”, then we must rebuild our sprawling suburbs and inner city neighborhoods so that they support the development of face-to-face interaction and community in traffic-calmed streets and lively neighborhood squares.
All the elements necessary to successfully foster social life and community are outlined in the IMCL “Principles of True Urbanism” (Crowhurst Lennard and Lennard, 2004) and discussed in IMCL publications such as Livable Cities Observed (Crowhurst Lennard and Lennard, 2000) and Genius of the European Square (Crowhurst Lennard and Lennard, 2008).

AAP - Am Acad Pediatrics Policy Statement: The Built Environment: Designing Communities to Promote Physical Activity in Children. June 6, 2009.;123... (Accessed June 30, 2009)
Alexander, Duane, M.D., director of the NICHD. Quoted on: (Accessed January 23, 2011)
Altschuler A, C. P. Somkin, N. E. Adler (2004). “Local services and amenities, neighborhood social capital, and health.” Soc Sci Med. 59(6):1219-29.
Ball, K., A. Bauman, E. Leslie, and N. Owen (2001). “Perceived environmental aesthetics and convenience and company are associated with walking for exercise among Australian adults.” Preventive Medicine, 33, 434-40.
Baum, Howell S. (2004). “although middle class white families gain [academically] by moving to suburban school districts, they, too, are losers. They get better schools, but they isolate their children from others who are different, depriving them of opportunities to develop essential social skills.” Smart Growth and School Reform: What if We Talked about Race and Took Community Seriously?” Journal of the American Planning Association, 70, 14-26
Baum, F, and C. Palmer (2002) “‘Opportunity structures’: urban landscape, social capital and health promotion in Australia.” Health Promotion International 17 (4): 351-361. Baum, F. E. and A. M. Ziersch (2003). “Social Capital.” Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 57(5): 320-323.
Baum, F. E. and A. M. Ziersch (2003). “Social Capital.” Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health57(5): 320-323.
Beard, J. R., M. Cerdá, S. Blaney, J. Ahern, D. Vlahov and S. Galea (2009). “Neighborhood Characteristics and Change in Depressive Symptoms among Older Residents of New York City.” American Journal of Public Health 99(7): 1308-1314
Bellah, Robert N., et al (1985). Habits of the Heart. Individualism and Commitment in American Life.Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Benson, Peter L. (2006) All Kids Are Our Kids. San Francisco. Jossey-Bass. 1, 104
Berkman, L. F. et al. (2000) From social integration to health: Durkheim in the new millennium. Social Science & Medicine. 51 843-857
Berkman, L. F. and T. Glass (2000). “Social integration, social networks, social support, and health.” In: L. F. Berkman and I. Kawachi Eds. Social Epidemiology. New York: Oxford University Press.  137-173
Berry, H. L. and J. A. Welsh (2010). “Social Capital and Health in Australia: An Overview from the Household, Income and Labor Dynamics in Australia Survey.” Social Science and Medicine 70(4): 588-596
Birmaher B, et al (1996) Childhood and adolescent depression: a review of the past 10 years. Part I. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry. 35(11): 1427-39.
Blyth, D. A. and N. Leffert (1995). “Communities as Contexts for Adolescent Development: An Empirical Analysis.” Journal of Adolescent Research, 10: 64-87
Booth, F. W., S. E. Gordon, C. J. Carlson and M. T. Hamilton (2000). “Waging War on Modern Chronic Diseases: Primary Prevention through Exercise Biology.” Journal of Applied Physiology 88(2): 774-787.
Bowlby, John. (1951) Maternal care and mental health. World Health Organization Monograph (Serial No. 2). p. 53
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979) The Ecology of Human Development: Experiments by Nature and Design. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Buber, Martin. (1965) Between Man and Man. MacMillan Publishing Co.
Buber, Martin (1967) Community and Environment. In A Believing Humanism. New York: Simon & Schuster. P. 95
Bullock, J.R. (1998) Loneliness in Young Children. ERIC Clearinghouse on Elementary and Early Childhood Education (Accessed November 20, 2010)
Cattell, Vicky. (2001) “Poor people, poor places, and poor health: the mediating role of social networks and social capital.” Social Science and Medicine, 52, 1501–1516.
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2009) National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, Division of Nutrition, Physical Activity and Obesity, National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, Overweight and Obesity Health Consequences 2009. Available at:  (Accessed January 30, 2011)
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2010) National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Division of Violence Prevention. Youth Violence: Facts at a Glance 2010. Available (Accessed Dec 10, 2010)
Cervero, R. and M. Duncan, (2003). “Walking, bicycling and urban landscapes: Evidence from the San Francisco Bay Area.” American Journal of Public Health, 93(9), 1478-83.Cohen, D. A., S. Inagami and B. Finch (2008). The Built Environment and Collective Efficacy. Health and Place 14(2): 198-208
Cohen, Larry, et al. (2010) Addressing the Intersection: Preventing Violence and Promoting Healthy Eating and Active Living. Oakland, CA: Prevention Institute. (Accessed February 9, 2011)
Cohen, S, L. G. Underwood, B. H. Gottlieb (2000). Social Support Measurement and Intervention. A Guide for Health and Social Scientists. New York: Oxford University Press
Cohen-Mansfield, J. and A. Parpura-Gill, (2007) Loneliness in older persons: A theoretical model and empirical findings. International Psychogeriatrics 19:2 , pp. 279-294.
Coles, Robert. (1997) The Moral Intelligence of Children. NY: Random House 
Cozens, P. and D. Hillier (2008). “The Shape of Things to Come: New Urbanism, the Grid and the Cul-de-Sac.” International Planning Studies 13(1): 51-73.
Cross, H. A. & H. F. Harlow (1965). Prolonged and progressive effects of partial isolation on the behaviour of Macaque monkeys. Journal of Experimental Research in Personality 1,39-49.
Crowe, T. D., (2000). Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design: Applications of Architectural Design and Space Management Concepts. Butterworth-Heinemann, Oxford
Crowhurst Lennard, Suzanne and Henry L. Lennard (1995). Livable Cities Observed. Carmel, CA: Gondolier Press.
Crowhurst Lennard, Suzanne and Henry L. Lennard (2004). Principles of True Urbanism. Available at
Crowhurst Lennard, Suzanne and Henry L. Lennard (2000). The Forgotten Child. Cities for the Well-being of Children. Carmel, CA: Gondolier Press.
Crowhurst Lennard, Suzanne and Henry L. Lennard (2008). Genius of the European Square. How Europe’s traditional multi-functional squares support social life and civic engagement. Carmel, CA: Gondolier Press
Dahl, E. and I. Malmberg- Heimonen (2010). “Social inequality and health: the role of social capital.”Sociology of Health and Illness 32: 1102- 1119.
De Vos, Henk. (2003) Geld en 'de rest': Over uitzwerming, teloorgang van gemeenschap en de noodzaak van gemeenschapsbeleid [Money and 'the rest': About sprawl, decline of community and the necessity of community policy] Sociologische gids 50, 3 285-311
Duncan, M. and Mummery, K. (2004). “Psychosocial and environmental factors associated with physical activity among city dwellers in regional Queensland.” Preventive Medicine, 40, 363-72.
Durkheim, Emile. (1897) [1951]. Suicide: a study in sociology. Translated by John A. Spaulding & George Simpson, New York: The Free Press of Glenco.
Earls, Felton. (1998) Linking Community Factors and Individual Development. Summary of presentation by Felton Earls. National Institute of Justice Research Preview, September.
Earls, Felton and Carlson, Mary. (2001) The Social Ecology of Child Health and Well-Being. Annu. Rev. Public Health. 22:143–66
Earls, Felton J, et al, (2005) Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods (PHDCN): Systematic Social Observation, 1995. Ann Arbor, Michigan: Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan.
Eberstadt, Mary (2001). Home-Alone America: The social consequences of children raising themselves. Hoover Institute Policy Review #107 Accessed April 23, 2012
Echeverría, S., A. V. Diez-Roux, S. Shea, L. N. Borrell and S. Jackson (2008). “Associations of Neighborhood Problems and Neighborhood Social Cohesion with Mental Health and Health Behaviors: The Multi-Ethnic Study of Atherosclerosis.” Health and Place 14(4): 851-863.
Erikson, E. H. (1950) Childhood and Society. New York: Norton
Evans, Gary W. (2006). “Child Development and the Physical Environment.” Annual Review of Psychology. Vol. 57: 423-451
Faris, R.E., (1934) Cultural Isolation and the Schizophrenic Personality. American Journal of Sociology,September, 40(2):155-164.
Frank, Lawrence D., M. Andresen, and T. Schmid (2004). “Obesity relationships with community design, physical activity, and time spent in cars.” American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 27(2), 87-96.
Frank, Lawrence D., T Schmid, J Sallis,  J Chapman, and B. Saelens, (2005). “Linking objectively measured physical activity with objectively measured urban form – findings from SMARTRAQ.” American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 28(2S2), 117-25.
Friday, J.C., (1995) The Psychological Impact of Violence in Underserved Communities. Journal of Health Care for the Poor and Underserved, Vol. 6, No. 4, pp. 403-409.
Garmezy, N. (1983). Stressors of Childhood. In N. Garmezy and M. Rutter (eds.) Stress, Coping, and Development in Children. New York: McGraw-Hill. 43-85.
Gifford, Robert (2007). “The consequences of living in high-rise buildings.” Architectural Science Review. 50(1)
Giles-Corti B and R. J. Donovan (2002). “The Relative Influence of Individual, Social, and Physical Environment Determinants of Physical Activity”. Social Science & Medicine, 54(12):1793-1812
Gillis, A. 1974 “Population density and social pathology: the case of building type, social allowance and juvenile delinquency.” Social Forces 53: 306-315.
Grassian, Stuart. (1993) Psychiatric effects of solitary confinement  (redacted, non-institution and non-inmate specific version of a declaration submitted in September 1993 in Madrid v. Gomez, 889F. Supp.1146. California, USA. Retrieved 2008-06-18.
Greenbaum, S. D. (1982). Bridging ties at the neighborhood level. Social Networks, 4, 367-384
Greenspan, Stanley I. (1997). The Growth of the Mind. Cambridge, MA. Perseus Books.
Harlow, H.F. (1964) Early social deprivation and later behavior in the monkey. In: A. Abrams, H.H. Gurner & J.E.P. Tomal (eds.) Unfinished Tasks in the Behavioral Sciences. Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins.
Hawe, P. and A. Shiell (2000). “Social Capital and Health Promotion: A Review.” Social Science and Medicine 51(6): 871-885
Henderson, Lynne and Zimbardo, Philip. “Shyness” forthcoming in Encyclopedia of Mental Health (accessed December 31, 2008)
Hochschild, Arlie (1997). The Second Shift. New York: Penguin
House, J. S., Landis, K. R. and Umberson, D. (1988) Social relationships and health. Science 241, 4865 540-545.
Humpel, N., N. Owen and E. Leslie (2002). “Environmental factors associated with adults’ participation in physical activity.” American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 22(3), 188-99.
IMCL. International Making Cities Livable Council (2004) Principles of True Urbanism. (Accessed January 25, 2011)
Jackson, Richard J. (2008) Environment Shapes Health, Including Children’s Mental Health. J. Am. Acad. Child Adolesc. Psychiatry, 47:2. pp 129-131
Jacobs, J. (1961) The Death and Life of Great American Cities. New York, NY: Random House.
Kawachi I, B. P. Kennedy, K. Lochner, D. Prothrow-Stith (1997) “Social capital, income inequality and mortality.” Am J Public Health. 87:1491–1498.
Kawachi I, and Berkman LF. (2001) “Social ties and mental health.” J Urban Health. 78(3):458-67.
Kerness, Bonnie (1998). Solitary Confinement Torture In The US. National Coordinator of the 'National Campaign to Stop Control Unit Prisons
Klinenberg, Eric. (2003) Heat Wave: A Social Autopsy of Disaster in Chicago. Chicago, IL: University of Illinois Press.
Leffert, Nancy et al, (1998) Developmental Assets: Measurement and Prediction of Risk Behaviors Among Adolescents. Applied Developmental Science. 2(4): 209-230
Lennard, Henry L.  and Suzanne H Crowhurst Lennard, (2000) The Forgotten Child: Cities for the Well-Being of Children. Carmel, CA: Gondolier Press. 54
Levine, Melvin. (2002) A Mind at a Time. New York, Simon & Schuster. 232.
Leyden, K. (2003) Social Capital and the Built Environment: The Importance of Walkable Neighborhoods.American Journal of Public Health. Vol 93, No. 9, 1546-1551
Lochner, K. A., Kawachi, I., Brennan, R. T., & Buka, S. L. (2003). Social capital and neighborhood mortality rates in Chicago. Social Science & Medicine. 56(8), 1797–1805.
Lomas, J., (1998) Social capital and health: implications for public health and epidemiology. Social Science & Medicine 47 (9), 1181–1188.
Lund, H. 2002. “Pedestrian Environments and Sense of Community.” Journal of Planning Education and Research. 21 (3): 301-12
Maas, J., P. Spreeuwenberg, M. Van Winsum-Westra, R. A. Verheij, S. de Vries and P. P. Groenewegen (2009a). Is Green Space in the Living Environment Associated with People’s Feelings of Social Safety?Environment and Planning A 41(7): 1763-1777
Maas, J., S. M. E. van Dillen, R. A. Verheij and P. P. Groenewegen (2009b). Social Contacts as a Possible Mechanism Behind the Relation between Green Space and Health. Health and Place 15(2): 586-595
Macintyre (1993). Area, class and health: should we be focusing on places or people? Journal of Social Policy, 22, 213–214.
Macintyre and Ellaway, (1998.) “Social and local variations in the use of urban neighbourhoods: a case study in Glasgow.” Health and Place, 4, 91–94.
Macintyre and Ellaway, (1999). “Local opportunity structures, social capital and social inequalities in health: what can central and local government do?” Health Promotion Journal of Australia, 9, 165–170.
Macintyre and Ellaway, (2000) “Ecological approaches: rediscovering the role of the physical and social environment.” In Berkman, L. and Kawachi, I. (eds) Social Epidemiology. Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK.
McCarthy, D., & Saegert, S. (1978). Residential density, social overload and social withdrawal. Human Ecology, 6 (3), 253-271. (Reprinted in J. Aiello & A. Haum, High density residential environments. Hillside, NJ: Erlbaum Associates, 1979.)
McCleary, R., (1961) Authoritarianism and the Belief System of the Incorrigibles. In Cressey, D., (ed.) The Prison. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, pp.260-306.
McMillan, D. W. and D. M. Chavis, (1986) “Sense of community: a definition and a theory.” Journal of Community Psychology, 14, 6–23.
McPherson, M., Smith-Lovins, L, Brashears, M. (2006) Social Isolation in America: Changes in Core Discussion Networks over Two Decades. American Sociological Review, 71 353-375
Mehta, V. (2007). “Lively Streets: Determining Environmental Characteristics to Support Social Behavior.”Journal of Planning Education and Research 27(2): 165-187.
Mota J, M. Almeida, P. Santos, J. C. Ribeiro (2005). “Perceived neighborhood environments and physical activity in adolescents.” Preventive Medicine, 41: 834-836.
Nasar, J., and D. Julian. 1995. “The Psychological Sense of Community in the Neighborhood”. Journal of the American Planning Association 61, 2:178-184.
National Institute of Child Health & Human Development. January 23, 2011)
Nestmann, Frank and Hurrelmann, Klaus. (1994) Social Networks and Social Support in Childhood and Adolescence. Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter.
Odgers, C. L., T. E. Moffitt, I. M. Tach, R. L Sampson, A. Taylor, C. L. Matthews and A. Caspi (2009). “The Protective Effects of Neighborhood Collective Efficacy on British Children Growing Up in Deprivation: A Developmental Analysis.” Developmental Psychology 45(4): 942-957.
Ogunseitan, O. A. (2005). “Topophilia and the Quality of Life.” Environmental Health Perspectives 113(2): 143-148
Oldenburg, R. (1991). The Great Good Place. New York: Paragon House
Rocco Pendola, Rocco and Gen, Sheldon (2008). Does “Main Street” Promote Sense of Community? A Comparison of San Francisco Neighborhoods. Environment and Behavior. 40(4) 545-574
Poortinga, W., F. D. Dunstan and D. L. Fone (2007). “Perceptions of the Neighbourhood Environment and Self Rated Health: A Multilevel Analysis of the Caerphilly Health and Social Needs Study.” BMC Public Health 7.
Putnam, Robert. (2000) Bowling Alone. NY: Simon & Schuster.
Resnick, M. D. et al (1997). “Protecting adolescents from harm: Findings from the National Longitudinal Study on Adolescent Health.” Journal of the American Medical Association, 278, 823-832
Richman N. 1974. “The effects of housing on pre-school children and their mothers.” Dev. Med. Child Neurol. 16:53–58
Röhrle, Bernd and Sommer, Gert. (1994) Social Support and Social Competences: Some Theoretical and Empirical Contributions to their Relationship. In Social Networks and Social Support in Childhood and Adolescence. Berlin, New York. Walter de Gruyter. pp. 111-128
Rutter, M. (1983). Stress, coping and development: Some issues and some questions. In N. Garmezy and M. Rutter (eds.) Stress, Coping, and Development in Children. New York: McGraw-Hill. 1-43.
Rutter, M. and H. Giller (1983). Juvenile delinquency: Trends and perspectives. New York: Guilford
Sampson, R.J., Raudenbush, S.W. and Earls, F. (1997) Neighborhoods and Violent Crime: A Multilevel Study of Collective Efficacy, Science. 277 1–7.
Schneider, Barbara and David Stevenson (1999). The Ambitious Generation. America’s Teenagers. Motivated but Directionless. New Haven & London: Yale University Press.
Ståhl, T., A. Rütten,  D. Nutbeam, A. Bauman, L. Kannas, T. Abel, G. Lüschen, D. Rodriquez, J. Vinck and J. van der Zee (2001). “The importance of the social environment for physically active lifestyle – results from an international study.” Social Science and Medicine, 52, 1-10.
Tietjen, A. M. (1989). The ecology of children’s social support networks. In D. Belle (Ed.), Children’s social networks and social supports. New York: Wiley.
Vygotsky, L.S. (1978). Mind in Society. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Warr, D. J., T. Tacticos, M. Kelaher and H. Klein (2007). “Money, Stress, Jobs’: Residents’ Perceptions of Health-Impairing Factors in ‘Poor’ Neighborhoods.” Health and Place 13(3): 743-758
Werner, E. E. and R. S. Smith (1982). Vulnerable but Invincible: A longitudinal study of resilient children and youth. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Yang, T. C. and S. A. Matthews (2010) “The role of social and built environments in predicting self-rated stress: A multilevel analysis in Philadelphia”. Health and Place, 16: 803-810.
Williams, P. and B. Pocock (2010). “Building ‘Community’ for Different Stages of Life: Physical and Social Infrastructure in Master Planned Communities.” Community, Work and Family 13(1): 71-87.
Wilkinson, R. G. (1996) Unhealthy Societies: the Afflictions of Inequality. London, UK. Routledge, YouthBuild USA. (Accessed Nov. 21, 2010)